My dissertations, “Data for Sovereignty: Counting and Classifying Tribal Identity” (Demography-University of Waikato) and “Remaking Collective Identities: Data Sovereignty, Citizenship, and Indigenous Nations” (Sociology-University of Arizona) comprise five manuscripts exploring Indigenous erasure through three lenses: statistical erasure, identity erasure, and data erasure.
Statistical Erasure
The first lens I apply in my dissertation research is statistical erasure, which draws on Foucault’s theory of governmentality and political scientist James Scott’s concept of “seeing like a state” to describe how making a population visible to the state is a form of exerting power over the population. I examine how federal statistics systems do this type of legibility work by drawing on social and political ideologies of erasure. American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) populations present an ideal case study to examine such mechanisms because few have endured a more politicized identity formation.
1. My first dissertation manuscript, “Counting and Classifying Native Nations in the United States,” examines the role of the U.S. Census in erasing and reconstructing tribal identities through statistical statecraft. I conduct archival research of census records dating back to the first Census in 1790, which explicitly excluded AIANs. I find that the exclusion of AIANs from the U.S. Census aligns with the peak of the colonial engine in the 18th and 19th centuries informing a deeply flawed colonial narrative of unpopulated land in the west. I build on this historical analysis by showing how the modern era of U.S. Census taking continues the narrative of Indigenous erasure through the racialization of tribal identity starting with the 1970 decennial, which was the first time AIANs were asked for their tribal affiliation as part of the Census race question. My findings suggest that across the last five decennials, conceptual and methodological errors compounded by a lack of meaningful input from Native Nations have resulted in deeply inaccurate, incomplete, and otherwise flawed tribal population data with implications for health, housing, and other federal services that use Census counts to determine funding levels for tribal communities. I anticipate submitting this manuscript for publication by the end of 2019.
Identity Erasure
Second, I look at processes of identity erasure, which straddle theories of racial and ethnic identity formation, social closure, and citizenship.
2. My second dissertation manuscript, “The Blood Line: Colonial Landscapes of Tribal Citizenship Variation,” analyzes how racial logics and state imperatives have distorted AIAN kinship into a measure of blood quantum or a minimum threshold of accepted blood. Using an original database of tribal citizenship criteria that I collected over two years from more than 80 percent of American Indian tribes, I extend Omi and Winant’s racial formation theory to describe blood quantum as a “racial project” wherein the racialization of AIANs has been used to make up the right kind of people (i.e., those with enough blood) to advance the aims of both the settler-colonial state and Native Nations. This manuscript is currently under peer review. I am expanding the conceptual and empirical framework of this article into a book project that compares blood, citizenship, and indigeneity in the U.S., New Zealand, and Mexico. I am particularly committed to inclusion of Central and South American Indigenous peoples in these analyses given the human rights abuses occurring at the U.S.-Mexico border and the stripping of their indigeneity as a mechanism of exclusion.
3. I continue my investigation of identity erasure in my third dissertation manuscript, “Doing Tribal Demography: Population Projections for Indigenous Futures,” a methods piece that examines the relationship between blood quantum and tribal sustainability. Native Nations have the sole authority to confer and abrogate tribal citizenship as sovereign nations. It is their decision to continue using blood quantum metrics at their current levels, increase the threshold, decrease the threshold, or depart from blood quantum all together. Given demographic realities like high rates of intermarriage and urbanization, many Native Nations are facing an impending crisis of tribal sustainability due to strict blood quantum policies. This research is driven by an urgent demand by Native Nations for a tested methodological approach to conduct tribal blood quantum projections. Further, it provides an ideal case to apply my dual disciplinary training in both demography and sociology. I partner with a Native Nation for an in-depth case study to build robust tribal demographic data by a Native Nation for a Native Nation. I present the first detailed analyses comparing U.S. Census tribal data with tribal enrollment data and follow with cohort component population projections looking at hypothetical decreases and increases to blood quantum thresholds for tribal citizenship. I am concluding data analyses and anticipate submitting this manuscript for publication in mid-2020.
Data Erasure
Third, I examine data erasure as a phenomenon of the western gaze that shapes studies of science, technology, and knowledge. I apply this lens to evaluate the glaring data inequities that marginalized populations face across the globe with a particular focus on the state of data dependence in Indigenous communities.
4. My fourth dissertation manuscript, “Building a Data Revolution in Indian Country,” is published in Kukutai and Taylor’s edited volume Indigenous Data Sovereignty: Toward an Agenda (2016). It documents the ancestral origins of American Indian and Alaska Native peoples as data experts, the shift from data sovereignty to data dependence precipitated by colonization, and the growing movement to reclaim Indigenous data sovereignty in the U.S. I document the need for accurate tribal population data by showing how tribes are confronted with hundreds of data sources collected on their populations, yet rarely with or by Indigenous peoples, and further how there’s no tribal statistical data standard in the U.S. unlike in other settler colonial states. I close by identifying the Indigenous data sovereignty movement as way to rebuild tribal data systems and catalyze tribal nation rebuilding.
5. My fifth and final dissertation manuscript, “Data for Native Nation Rebuilding,” explores how Native Nations engage with existing data via official statistics systems and their own tribal data efforts. I combine data from an original survey of 122 tribes with semi-structured interviews of tribal leaders to explore the state resembling activities that tribes are building or need to build to counter official statistics systems. This research was partially conducted in partnership with the National Congress of American Indians, the largest advocacy organization for Native Nations in the U.S. The survey was funded by NSF Grant No. 1439605 as part of the project “Using Science to Build Tribal Capacity for Data-Intensive Research.” I anticipate submitting this manuscript for publication in mid-2020.